HOSOYA HIROMI

<p>This article focuses on the diversity of meaning of human rights and their applications in an unequal society during conflicts and the peace-building process. After the Cold War ended, accountabilities of human rights and democracy have come to be more greatly required for each nation-state in the international society. Concepts of both human rights and democracy were elaborated in Western countries and applied extensively beyond the Western world after the Second World War. Therefore, in terms of the progress of globalization, the issue of the universality of the concept of human rights has become a matter of discussion, in that it relates to cultural and historical diversity and local contexts. Most studies on this theme have analyzed how the international human rights regime influences a domestic political process and courts and their interactions. However, nation-states are inherently unequal, not only politically and economically, but also racially, ethnically, and culturally. Anthropology, which uses micro-level analysis based on face-to-face fieldwork, can contribute effectively to that phase, examining aspects that have been overlooked by macro-level peace-building studies. It also makes it possible to explain why conflict has recurred on a long-term basis after the peace-building was conducted. Considering that, I analyzed the manners of conjunction between the international human rights regime and a nation that contains cultural and racial diversities and inequality. I examined Peruvian conflicts and a peace-building process in which a truth commission had been organized as a part of transitional justice, focusing on those relationships with indigenous people. The Peruvian internal armed conflict began in 1980 with a revolt of the Peruvian Communist Party-Shining Path (PCP-SL) . According to the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Peru, which was presented in 2003, almost 70,000 people were killed or disappeared from 1980 to 2000. Remarkably, 75% of the dead or missing people were speakers of indigenous languages. That internal armed conflict was thus closely related to racial and ethnic inequality. First, I outlined the Peruvian internal armed conflict and violence, focusing on its relation to the indigenous people. Second, I analyzed the incident of Uchuraccay to examine relationships among indigenous people and civil society and international society to clarify the nature of the conflicts. Third, I examined the relationships between the TRC and the indigenous people to discuss the peace-building process in an unequal society. The PCP-SL began their armed rebellion in rural areas of Ayacucho, one of the poorest Andean highland prefectures in Peru, following Mao's strategy of "the rural areas will surround urban areas." However, that imported strategy confronted the vernacular uniqueness of Peruvian society, where indigenous people are regarded as "peasants." Meanwhile, the bulk of the PCP-SL was urban mestizo (mixed). Uchuraccay is an Andean indigenous village of Ayacucho where, in 1983, eight journalists were murdered. Suspecting the national agency to be responsible for the murders, a civil movement emerged in the capital Lima in collaboration with transnational advocacy networks. But the village had been extinguished as a result of the attacks by the PCP-SL and the 'mopping-up' operations of the national army, while civil movements expanded in Lima in response to the deaths of the journalists. Furthermore, when massive massacres in the rural areas of the Andean highland forced people to evacuate, they were simply recognized as "migrants" or discriminated against as "terrorists" at that time, despite the fact that they were internally displaced persons (IDP) . The situation of the Andean highlands was ignored by the people of the capital. The TRC was organized after the end of</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>