宮下 貴裕

 “Ginza Street” is known as the main street of Ginza and it is a part of “Chuo Street”: a street links Shinbashi with Ueno. It has a long history since Ginza brick-faced building city in Meiji era, and modern urban spaces have been formed by modern buildings and urban design in this history. Ginza has been subjected to studies in many fields, and it is indicated the extinction in history of urban developing caused by war damage in these studies. However, it is considered that there is the continuity from pre-war to post-war in purposes of movement for urban design by proprietors of stores along Ginza Street. They have continued to argue what to do to make future vision of Ginza Street come true for a long time. So we pay attention to Ginza Street Association: store association has been composed of proprietors of stores along Ginza Street, and reveal history of movement for urban design by them from 1930's to 1960's. We find out a new context of history in Ginza by means of this research.<br> In 1930's, Ginza Street Association started movement for “Urban beauty” of Ginza Street and their goal setting was to achieve it by Tokyo Olympic Games in 1940. Main purposes of this movement were removal of telegraph poles and abolition of tram, and they have appealed to city government. In 1936, Ginza Street Association developed movement with “Nihon Toshifukei Kyokai”, and they carried out a noise survey for abolition of tram. In 1937, they planned “10-year plan for remodeling of Ginza Street” as a long-term plan for urban beauty. However, this movement ended in failure as the society entered into the war regime after 1938.<br> In 1945, Ginza Street Association planned “Ginza reconstruction plan”. In this plan, purposes of movement in 1930's were succeeded though it was under the condition buildings had been burnt down by air raid. And it was also held up purposes of movement: removal of telegraph poles and abolition of tram in “Remodeling plan of Ginza Street” in 1958. They have repeated petitions to city government, and they have consulted with Tokyo National Highway Office for reconstruction of Ginza Street. As a result, they achieved removal of telegraph poles, abolition of tram and construction of new pavement in 1968. In parallel with this movement, they have planned a big scale festival in Ginza Street. They have continued arguments for Ginza Street as festive spaces, and it was held “Daiginza Matsuri” on reconstructed Ginza Street.<br> In conclusion, it became clear that there was the continuity from pre-war to post-war in purposes of movement for urban design. Especially, three themes: removal of telegraph poles, abolition of tram and new pavement have been found the value in each era. On the other hand, arguments about street trees haven't been decision clear directions in history of Ginza Street Association. From the above, it is considered that construction of Ginza Street in 1960's had a value as the ultimate goal of movement for a long time from pre-war.

&nbsp;Central shopping districts in provincial cities have been declining since 1980's and it is in question about the importance of their existence. This paper estimates the value of the historicity of central shopping districts, and reveals whether it has been succeeded to functions characters as central shopping districts: places for communication with people and commercial activities since pre-war or not.<br>&nbsp;This paper pays attention to Hideaki Ishikawa's serialization: &ldquo;Sakariba Fudoki&rdquo; as a historical material to grasp situations of central shopping districts in pre-war. In these essays, it was introduced &ldquo;Sakariba&rdquo; he had visited, and it was argued a role each sakariba has played. It is possible to regard as an essay has a historical value that he has analyzed central shopping districts in provincial cities comprehensively. This paper compares situations of central shopping districts he argued in 1930's with current situations of them and 40 cities he had argued became the target of analysis.<br>&nbsp;In this paper, we verify whether characters as central shopping districts have been maintained in provincial cities since 1930's or not from two viewpoints, &ldquo;succession of centrality in the city&rdquo; and &ldquo;succession of functions as shopping districts.&rdquo;<br>&nbsp;The first analysis verifies whether it has been succeeded to &ldquo;centrality in the city&rdquo; in central shopping districts Ishikawa argued in 1930's or not. In this paper, the concept of centrality is grasped from the following three elements.<br>&nbsp;a. Pedestrian traffic in central shopping district is the most in city center.<br>&nbsp;b. It is recognized that central shopping district is center of city in plans by local governments.<br>&nbsp;c. Land price in central shopping district is the highest in city center.<br>&nbsp;And this analysis verifies whether these shopping districts are applicable in all of these conditions or not. We reveal how many shopping districts have been succeeded to centrality in city by means this analysis. As a result, it became clear only nine cities: Asahikawa, Utsunomiya, Shizuoka, Hamamatsu, Matsuyama, Kumamoto, Sasebo, Miyazaki and Kagoshima were applicable in all of these conditions. Therefore central shopping districts in these cities were judged that it had been succeeded to centrality. On the other hand, though it had been recognized that central shopping districts in thirty-one cities had centrality in city center, it was judged that characters have been lost.<br>&nbsp;The second analysis verifies whether it has been succeeded to &ldquo;functions as shopping districts&rdquo; in these nine cities or not. This analysis shows how accumulation and use of stores have been changing since 1930's. As a result, it was judged that it had been succeeded functions as shopping districts in only four cities: Shizuoka, Matsuyama, Sasebo and Kagoshima. In these four cities, it is seen common features in spatial changing of central shopping districts from 1930's to presence; it hasn't been put widening on a large scale in war damage revival planning in these cities. On the other hand, it has been put widening on a large scale in three cities: Utsunomiya, Hamamatsu and Miyazaki. Although these seven cities are war damaged cities, the principle of street plans in the above four cities were different from the remaining three cities. It is considered that there is a connection between widening on a large scale and succession of characters as central shopping districts.<br>&nbsp;From the above, it became clear that it had been succeeded to &ldquo;centrality in the city&rdquo; in nine cities, and it had been succeeded to &ldquo;functions as shopping districts&rdquo; in four cities of nine cities.

静岡は徳川家康によって建設された城下町都市であるが、現在駿府城の天守閣は失われ歴史的建造物も多くは現存していない状況である。しかし江戸時代の街路網が近代以降も踏襲されたり、かつて商業の中心であった町人町が中心商店街として発展し続けたりと城下町時代以来の「通り」に対する強い意識とも言うべき都市づくりの理念が継承されている。そこで本研究では静岡における歴史性を再認識することを目的として、近代以降に行われた都市計画事業において、各時代の整備計画や都市改造事業における計画者の既存の都市構造に対する評価の変遷を通して「通りの意識」はどのように継承されたのかを明らかにしている。これによって「歴史まちづくり法」のように都市の歴史性を歴史的建造物などの「モノ」にのみ見出していくのではなく、都市構造やそれを生み出す構想などといった「システム」や「意識」にまで拡大して捉えるという新たな解釈のもと、「モノ」としての歴史的要素を持たない都市においても歴史的まちづくりの視点を取り入れた都市づくりが展開される可能性を見出した。