Hironobu Oda

type:Article 本稿は，概ね2005年以降の日本の地域政策の歩みとそこでの具体的な諸施策について，包括的にレビューすることを目的としたものである．三位一体の改革および立地関係諸法の撤廃以降の地方政策として新たな施策体系が模索されてきたが，この間の日本の地域政策の特徴は，第１に，各地域が自らの地域の特性を踏まえて，それに見合った計画を作り上げることに迫られたということ，第２に，地域内で諸資源の活用，主体と主体の連鎖，人材や資金を含めた地域内循環といったものが強調されるようになったこと，第３には人口の縮小，財政規模の圧縮，環境負荷軽減に対応して市街地の集約化に舵を切ったということ，第４に，「新たな公」「新しい公共」という考え方が定着し，民間企業やNPO，市民に地域づくりの担い手として参画することを求めるようになったということが指摘できる．そして，地方創生という語が使われるようになってからは，人口の長期ビジョンと結びついて，雇用機会や人口の地方分散が重要な目標として掲げられるようになった．東京圏一極集中の是正が見えてきたとは到底言えない状況だが，持続可能な地域づくりのために，地域に内在する資源を見つめた上で，地域内外のさまざまなアクターが連携して自発的かつ創意に満ちた取り組みを進めるということがますます重要になっている．そのための人材育成ということは地理教育や持続可能な開発のための教育（ESD）に求めらている一つの使命である． identifier:http://repository.seikei.ac.jp/dspace/handle/10928/1480

This paper aims to review geographical studies on manufacturing industries in Japan over the past two decades, with particular focus on industrial agglomeration, the geography of large manufacturing firms, and indus- trial regions. Academic discussions on industrial agglomerations in Japan have shared some common subjects with those in North America and Europe, but took a different direction from the latter in the Japanese economic context. Empirical studies on industrial agglomeration have been tackled from diverse viewpoints. It is not easy to sum up their main view. In order to prevent the discussion from scattering, empirical studies have to be particularly sensitive to the geographic scale and its spatial characteristics. It is also important that the many theoretical works, conducted more than in other countries, provide the common base of discussion in empirical studies. Since the 1990s, global- ization has brought about a rise in foreign direct investment in Asia through Japanese multi-national enterprises (MNEs), and at the same time, “hollowing out” of industries appeared on the Japanese manufacturing landscape. However, studies on shifting spatial systems within Japanese manufacturing remain insufficient in their attempt to understand the real character of spatial systems in terms of the international division of labor in East and South Asia. It is necessary to take up the following three issues both theoretically and empirically: first, the production systems of the Japanese MNEs in East and South Asian countries; second, inter-regional and international division of labor in East and South Asia; and third, the repercussions of locating abroad and offshoring manufacturing on industrial regions within the home country. Relocation abroad and offshoring of manufacturing have brought about an unequal development among industrial regions. Empirical work on the economic and social effects through the increasing reorganization of industrial regions has emerged as important. In addition to these issues, seeking an alternative sys- tem of local manufacturing for survival, creating high-value-added jobs and innovative activities, poses the emerging challenge in the study of this sphere.

This paper aims to elucidate the both importance of Marshallian aspect and Fordist one in the history of Japanese manufacturing. Firstly, it obtains brief sketch about a geographic organization of production in Marshall's writing. He not only discussed importance in industrial districts but also caught the locational influence of the American production that stole up to Europe. Secondly, typical industrial districts in Japan of his age are seen. Thirdly, it focuses to thought of three pioneers to consider the receipt of Ford system to Japan. They tried to improve the Ford system to the reformed system that suited the situation in the Japanese manufacturing though they were influenced from the writing of Ford. Fourthly, it examines the role of the Marshallian style embedded in the mass production system after the World War II. Finally, new aspects in the 1990s are discussed. As a whole, this paper points out the following notices: The Japanese mass production put the intermediate-scale production on the mind at the first time, and involved factors of Ford system by as well as ones followed by the Marshallian principle. Such a growth mechanism of Japanese manufacturing was happened in the 1940s, flowered in the 1960-70s, and continued until the 1980s. The process spatially accompanied the pendulum movement of spatial centralization and decentralization. If there was a major turning point in the manufacturing of Japan thereafter, it was caused by the competition with other Asian countries in the 1990s. Now, the Japanese manufacturing firms effort to organize neo-Marshallian transactions between firms and their spatial appearance. which new Japan's locational policies support someone indirectly.

近年，全国で街なみ保存の機運が高まっている。街なみは地域の歴史や風土がはぐくんだ，まさにその地域の「顔」であるといえる。このような街なみは、著しい経済成長が続いた1960年代に都市が成長するにつれて，住宅の建設や道路の拡幅に ...

In the last decade, the Japanese SMEs have been restructured to the serious foreign competition and the change of customer's outsourcing strategies with reduction in the number of manufacturers. At this point, the government has vague misgiving about the decay of basic technologies, which have sustained Japanese manufacturing activities, and then is developing the new comprehensive policy toward the locational re-agglomeration of the industrial activities. This report discussed our approaches to the current aspects of the industrial agglomeration system in Japan, especially focusing the machinery industries, through a brief review of recent studies. Study on spatial agglomeration dynamics of industrial activities is the fundamental theme for economic geography. This kind of geographical analysis needs not only the dynamic theory on locational agglomeration and dispersal based on industrial organization, but also deeper material insights into production processes. Therefore, to focus the current aspect of locational agglomeration of the machinery industry, we should adapt both historical moments such as the microelectronics revolution and spatial moments such as the distance of transactional linkages and the expanse of industrial agglomeration to our analysis. From these viewpoints, through the ME revolution era and the globalization era, the agglomeration system of the Japanese machinery industry has experienced clearly the locational dispersal of basic industries and the spatial expansion of linkages. Now, the system seems to be forming the interregional agglomeration network that the government policy encourages. In the future, the arrangement of local milieu and the establishment of social consensus about the need for basic manufacturing technology will be increasingly indispensable for sustainable development of the SMEs' spatial agglomeration in Japan.

It has been proposed that the Kitakami area, Northeastern Japan, is a newly developed core of the machinery industry in the peripheral Japan. However, there is little statistical evidence about it. The purpose of this study is to examine the rise of the Kitakami area as a new industrial district with using aggregate data on inter-firm linkages based on the Supplier Directory by the Iwate Public Corporation for Promotion of SMEs. Therefore, this paper elucidated spatial range, internal structure and external relations of the industrial area. The results are summarized as follows : 1. It is identified that distinct industrial agglomeration exists in the area, judging from the density of intra-regional input-output linkages (Figures 1 and 2). The boundary of the industrial agglomeration almost corresponds to the 'Kitakami Valley Technopolis' in locational policy of the state, i.e. Kitakami City, Hanamaki City, Mizusawa City, Esashi City, Kanegasaki Town and Ezuriko Village. 2. As to internal structure of the area, many suppliers accept basic metal works as common technological bases for many downstream makers located in the area. It presents complex linkages rather than subcontracting pyramids with vertical-near-integration (Figure 3). 3. The development of the Kitakami area involves new aspects of regional division of labor. The machinery firms in the Kitakami area not only contract with metropolitan firms for final goods and parts, and depend on firms in the surrounding area for labor-intensive processes, but also accepts orders of basic metal works (machining, stamp, die, mold and sheet metal work) from the Northeastern Japan (Figure 6). In other wards, the Kitakami are aplays an important part in the Japanese machinery production system as a 'regional center of basic metal works'.

Many researchers have put forward the thesis that a transition is taking place from Fordist mass production to post-Fordist flexible specialization with the microelectronics (ME) innovation. In the flexible specialization approach based on Marshallian ideas, terms such as &ldquo;reregionalization&rdquo; or &ldquo;recentralization&rdquo; have become key words for contemporary industrial development and competitiveness. However, there is little empirical study to support this thesis. In what way has the diffusion of ME innovation and flexible production methods affected the locational and competitive situation of Japanese small and medium-sized machinery industries? The purpose of this study was to elucidate the transformation of the intra-metropolitan machinery production system during the ME innovation from the viewpoint of the division of labor and linkage systems. This paper takes the plastic-mold manufacturing industry in the Keihin area as an example of small and medium-sized machinery industries.<br> The development of Japanese mold technology has formed the basis of the mass production system of durable customer goods. When Japanese industries as a whole experienced drastic locational decentralization in the 1960s and early 1970s, the mold manufacturing industry maintained agglomeration in the existing core industrial areas with its need for skilled workers and numerous related manufacturers. The mold manufacturing industry also experienced rapid locational dispersal during the recent technological innovation.<br> Decentralization of the plastic-mold manufacturing industry from the Tokyo Jonan district (the inner-Keihin area, see Fig. 4) occurred in the 1980s. The locational change not only spread over a wide spatial scale to the North Kanto or the South Tohoku region (see Fig. 1), but also to outer areas such as the Kawasaki-Yokohama area (see Fig. 5). Mainly &ldquo;intermediate type&rdquo; manufacturers relocated to outer areas. This type of manufacturer was not able to turn to large-sized management that used only ME devices, because of the lack of funds for capital investment. Therefore, if they intended to continue to operate their business, they had to remain in the Keihin area and accept ME innovation to some degree. The area provides good external economies for small businesses. However, they could not find premises in the Tokyo Jonan district and were forced to relocate to outer areas. In contrast, &ldquo;skill-intensive&rdquo; manufacturers remained in the Tokyo Jonan district with their highly skilled workers, while &ldquo;capital-intensive&rdquo; ones dispersed around the country.<br> Mold production exhibited nationwide breadth during the ME innovation, while mold manufacturers remaining in existing industrial areas or outer areas have faced severe competition. Nonetheless, they were able to maintain competitiveness by increasing the added value of molds and saving on equipment costs by depending on external economies such as a specific labor market and specific subcontractors. The mold production area formed two internal subsystems in the process of spreading spatially. On the one hand, the Tokyo Jonan district that is the traditional heartland of mold production specializes in mold production for functional devices and uses technological systems appropriate to this type of production. On the other hand, those in outer areas specialize in mold production for exterior parts and use technological systems appropriate for the age of small batch production.<br> In conclusion, this study demonstrated a continuous mechanism in which the ME innovation divided the manufacturers into strata and induced locational activities suitable for each stratum. The innovation has undoubtedly injected new vitality into metropolitan machinery manufacturers. However, there is no evidence of &ldquo;reregionalization.&rdquo;

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the locational dynamics of the Japanese plastic-mold manufacturing industry during the microelectronics innovation, as a typical example of the small- and medium-sized machinery industries. The plastic-mold manufacturing industry started around 1930 and a complex developed in Southern Tokyo. The development of mold technology formed the basis of the mass production of durable customer goods with dependence on skilled labor. When the Japanese industry as a whole experienced drastic decentralization in the 1960s and early 1970s, the mold industry maintained centralization in existing industrial regions. However, the recent technological innovation caused rapid locational dispersal into peripheral areas of the industry and the regional differentiation of production. The above facts do not conform to the hypothesis in the neo-Marshallian flexible specialization approach, which proposes that the diffusion of ME devices and flexible production methods resulted in "re-regionalization". The innovation had the effect of producing spatially wider networks of small- and medium-sized manufacturers around the existing agglomeration structure.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the locational dynamics of the Japanese plastic-mold manufacturing industry during the microelectronics innovation, as a typical example of the small- and medium-sized machinery industries. The plastic-mold manufacturing industry started around 1930 and a complex developed in Southern Tokyo. The development of mold technology formed the basis of the mass production of durable customer goods with dependence on skilled labor. When the Japanese industry as a whole experienced drastic decentralization in the 1960s and early 1970s, the mold industry maintained centralization in existing industrial regions. However, the recent technological innovation caused rapid locational dispersal into peripheral areas of the industry and the regional differentiation of production. The above facts do not conform to the hypothesis in the neo-Marshallian flexible specialization approach, which proposes that the diffusion of ME devices and flexible production methods resulted in &quot;re-regionalization&quot;. The innovation had the effect of producing spatially wider networks of small- and medium-sized manufacturers around the existing agglomeration structure.

The construction of Tsukuba Science City, located 60 kilometers northeast of Tokyo, began in the early 1970s. It started out as a national project to form an agglomeration of more than half of the major central government research institutions. Since that time, Tsukuba has also attracted 79 private research institutions, mainly during the 1980s, to form one of the largest agglomerations of private research institutions. This study geographically analyzes these private research institutions to identify the development of the agglomeration, its labor market, the regional pattern of its workers&#039; residences, the flow of goods in the agglomeration, and its research relationships with other institutions.Except for three firms, all private research institutions in Tsukuba were established after 1980. The majority of the construction occurred after 1985, when Tsukuba Science Exposition took place. Sixty of the 79 institutions occupy six research parks developed by such public offices as the prefectural government. The institutions emphasize basic research in high technology industries.The majority of workers are researchers, who are young and highly educated. Women make up only 17 percent of the workforce; few of them are researchers. Both researchers and administrative staff are from everywhere in Japan. However, some companies actively look for new administrative staff in national research institutions. They also seek graduates of the University of Tsukuba as researchers. The institutions whòse head offices are in the Kansai District or overseas have tried to develop a new labor market. Whereas the majority of female workers live in the surrounding rural communities, young male researchers reside in company dormitories within the city. Many of the elder male workers have bought houses outside the city because land prices in Tsukuba are too high.The commodity flow of these institutions is relatively small. Each company&#039;s connection with its factories is not strong in terms of commodity flow. Although some institutions are located close to their factories, they do not usually collaborate in manufacturing and testing, only in clerical work.The relation with related businesses differs according to the kind of service offered. Whereas office and laboratory supplies are available within the city, such services as experiments, data processing, and trial manufacturing depend upon offices or factories that are located mainly in Tokyo.The majority of the institutions seek information from central government research institutions. They also do collaborative research with government institutions. The abundance of co-authored publications indicates that some private research institutions have already established strong joint research relationships with government researchers. Whereas the communication among private research institutions is limited, one notable exception is the Tsukuba Research Consortium, which was established by eight private companies to encourage joint research.

The construction of Tsukuba Science City, located 60 kilometers northeast of Tokyo, began in the early 1970s. It started out as a national project to form an agglomeration of more than half of the major central government research institutions. Since that time, Tsukuba has also attracted 79 private research institutions, mainly during the 1980s, to form one of the largest agglomerations of private research institutions. This study geographically analyzes these private research institutions to identify the development of the agglomeration, its labor market, the regional pattern of its workers' residences, the flow of goods in the agglomeration, and its research relationships with other institutions.Except for three firms, all private research institutions in Tsukuba were established after 1980. The majority of the construction occurred after 1985, when Tsukuba Science Exposition took place. Sixty of the 79 institutions occupy six research parks developed by such public offices as the prefectural government. The institutions emphasize basic research in high technology industries.The majority of workers are researchers, who are young and highly educated. Women make up only 17 percent of the workforce; few of them are researchers. Both researchers and administrative staff are from everywhere in Japan. However, some companies actively look for new administrative staff in national research institutions. They also seek graduates of the University of Tsukuba as researchers. The institutions whòse head offices are in the Kansai District or overseas have tried to develop a new labor market. Whereas the majority of female workers live in the surrounding rural communities, young male researchers reside in company dormitories within the city. Many of the elder male workers have bought houses outside the city because land prices in Tsukuba are too high.The commodity flow of these institutions is relatively small. Each company's connection with its factories is not strong in terms of commodity flow. Although some institutions are located close to their factories, they do not usually collaborate in manufacturing and testing, only in clerical work.The relation with related businesses differs according to the kind of service offered. Whereas office and laboratory supplies are available within the city, such services as experiments, data processing, and trial manufacturing depend upon offices or factories that are located mainly in Tokyo.The majority of the institutions seek information from central government research institutions. They also do collaborative research with government institutions. The abundance of co-authored publications indicates that some private research institutions have already established strong joint research relationships with government researchers. Whereas the communication among private research institutions is limited, one notable exception is the Tsukuba Research Consortium, which was established by eight private companies to encourage joint research.

Machinery manufacturing industries, which include the metal working, auto, and electronic machine industries, have developed with a distinct division of labor since World War II. The enlargement and movement of production systems have always required that factories be appropriately located. This has led to the attendant transformations of social and physical configurations in both urban areas and the hinterlands. In light of these factors, it is important to elucidate the organizational and locational dynamics of these industries.<br> Hamamatsu City and its suburbs were selected as a study area, and the locational dynamics of the machinery industries were analyzed. Hamamatsu City is located in the middle of the Tokaido Megalopolis, between the Tokyo and Osaka metropolitan areas. The Hamamatsu area is an economic region that has spontaneously developed, rather than growing as a so-called branch-plant economy. Therefore, its industrial activities have extended from the urban core to the periphery.<br> The author first compiled a data base of machinery shops in the Hamamatsu area for 1956, 1964, 1972, 1980 and 1988, from the Zenkoku Kojo Tsuran (The General List of All Factories in Japan), edited by the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. With the use of this data base, the locational dynamics were historically analyzed and examined in relation to production systems under technical divisions of labor.<br> This study consisted of several parts. First, the trends of the production systems were analyzed using annual statistics of industrial activity (chapter II). Second, taking these results into consideration, changes in the spatial distribution of factories in each periods were analyzed (chapters III and IV). Third, the machinery industries were classified Into four categories to identify the changing processes and the current geographical distribution of the factories in each category (chapter V).<br> Although there was no consistent movement from 1957 to 1988, some characteristic trends were observed in each period. In the first period (1957-1964), with increasing numbers of factories, the industrial district expanded along major traffic routes radiating from the built-up area to the suburbs. In the second period (1965-1972), there was active investment in the private and public sectors during the rapid-growth period of the Japanese economy that followed the 1965 recession. The number of plants increased in every industrial and size category. Relatively small, labor-intensive factories were located close to the built-up area, while larger capital-intensive plants and assembly plants were located in the peripheral areas. In the third period (1973-1980), the disintegration of the production process was advancing, because auto makers and their affiliated firms were cautious toward investing in plants and equipment due to the slow growth of the Japanese economy. Therefore, small factories increased, forming clusters around the built-up area. The fourth period (1981-1988) was characterized by capital investments in equipment similar to that during the second period. Under comparatively good economic conditions and due to the diffusion of new factory automation technologies, the vertical integration of the production process advanced, mainly because auto makers and their parts suppliers began in-house production. After that, the increase in the number of subcontract factories slowed down, and new, larger factories appeared in the periphery of the Hamamatsu area.<br> The balance between the disintegration and integration of the production process is a factor in the changes in the geographical distribution of machinery industries. During the disintegration process, when sectors depending on unskilled laborers were divided, factories were distributed randomly between the city and its hinterlands, and when the sectors depending on skilled labor were divided, centripetal distribution appeared.